Apple has released a report on working conditions in
its suppliers’ factories. It highlights
a form of control fraud that criminology has identified but rarely
discussed. I write overwhelmingly about
accounting control fraud because it drives our recurrent, intensifying
financial crises. The primary intended
victims of accounting control frauds are the shareholders and the
creditors. Other private sector control
frauds target customers (e.g., George Akerlof’s 1970 article on “lemons”), and
the public (e.g., the unlawful disposal of toxic waste, illegal logging, and
tax fraud).
Anti-employee control frauds most commonly fall in
four broad, but not mutually exclusive, categories – illegal work conditions
due to violation of safety rules, violation of child labor laws, failure to pay
employees’ wages and benefits, and frauds based on goods and loans provided by
the employer to the employee that lock the employee into quasi-slavery. Apple has just released a report on its
suppliers that shows that anti-employee
control fraud is the norm. Remember,
fraud is hidden and is often not discovered and Apple did not have an incentive
to make an exhaustive investigation.
Apple calls its inquiries “audits” and it is apparent that most of its
information comes from reviewing written and electronic records at its
suppliers. That is exceptionally
revealing. The suppliers know that they
can defraud their employees with such impunity that they don’t even bother to
get rid of records that prove their frauds.
Apple has resisted making public its suppliers and the report refused to
identify which suppliers committed which violations – often for years despite
repeated, false promises to end their anti-employee control frauds. Two other facts are evident (but not
reported). First, Apple rarely
terminates suppliers for defrauding their employees – even when the frauds
endanger the lives and health of the workers and the community – and even where
Apple knows that the supplier repeatedly lies to Apple about these fraudulent
and lethal practices. Second, it appears
unlikely in the extreme that Apple makes criminal referrals on its suppliers
even when they commit anti-employee control frauds as a routine practice, even
when the frauds endanger the worker’s and the public’s health, and even when
the supplier repeatedly lies to Apple about the frauds. Apple’s report, therefore, understates
substantially the actual incidence of fraud by the 156 suppliers (accounting
for 97% of its payments to suppliers).
“The company said audits revealed that
93 supplier facilities had records indicating that more than half of their
workers exceed a 60-hour weekly working limit. Apple said 108 facilities did
not pay proper overtime as required by law. In 15 facilities, Apple found
foreign contract workers who had paid excessive recruitment fees to labor
agencies.
And though Apple said it mandated
changes at those suppliers, and some facilities showed improvements, in
aggregate, many types of lapses remained at levels that have persisted for
years.”
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/14/technology/apple-releases-list-of-its-suppliers-for-the-first-time.html?hp
The New York
Times, Wall Street Journal, and the
Washington Post articles on the Apple report are all lengthy, but none of
them has any input from a criminologist and each of the articles misses most of
the significance of the report. I have
already brought out several of these deficiencies. The most fundamental flaws, however, have to
do with why anti-employee control fraud is the norm at Apple’s suppliers and
why the suppliers typically don’t even take the inexpensive efforts necessary
to avoid holding a paper trail that makes the frauds obvious even to a not
terribly vigorous audit that they know is coming.
If there is one single thing that drives us
white-collar criminologists around the bend it is the implicit assumption that
fraud cannot be common. There is, of
course, no logical (or experiential) reason for this belief. Nevertheless, it is a common belief and among
economists it is a virtually universal dogma.
Economists have a tribal taboo against even using the word “fraud” to
describe individual frauds. The surest
way to be considered an un-serious economist is to use the “f” word to describe
frauds by elite economic actors.
Economists’ taboo is particularly bizarre because it is economic theory,
developed by a Nobel Laureate that explains why fraud can become endemic. George Akerlof, in his famous article on
markets for “lemons” (largely describing anti-customer control fraud),
explained the perverse “Gresham’s” dynamic in 1970.
“[D]ishonest dealings
tend to drive honest dealings out of the market. The cost of dishonesty,
therefore, lies not only in the amount by which the purchaser is cheated; the
cost also must include the loss incurred from driving legitimate business out
of existence.”
Anti-employee control fraud creates real economic
profits for the firm and can massively increase the controlling officers’
wealth. Honest firm normally cannot
compete with anti-employee control frauds, so bad ethics drives good ethics out
of the markets. Companies like Apple and
its counterparts create this criminogenic environment by selecting least-cost –
criminal – suppliers who offer components at prices that honest firms cannot
match. Effectively, they hang out a sign
– only the fraudulent need apply to be suppliers. But the sign is, of course, invisible and
cannot be introduced in court so Apple and its peers also get deniability. They are shocked, shocked that its suppliers
are frauds that cheat their employees and put them and the public’s health at
risk in order to make a few extra yuan or
dong for the senior officers.
Fraudulent suppliers, therefore, have compelling
incentives to locate in nations and regions in which they can commit fraud with
impunity. The best way to evaluate the
fraudulent CEOs’ view as to the risk of prosecution for their frauds is to
observe whether they take cheap means of hiding their frauds. When the CEOs do not even bother to avoid
creating a paper trail documenting their frauds one knows that they view the
risk of prosecution as trivial. Nations
that are corrupt, have weak rule of law, weak or non-existent unions, poor
protections for workers, a reserve army of the impoverished, and have few
resources devoted to prosecuting elite white-collar crime provide an ideal
criminogenic environment for firms engaged in anti-employee control fraud. The ubiquitous nature of anti-employee
control fraud (and tax fraud) in many nations explains why U.S. industries have
been so eager to “outsource” U.S. jobs to fraud-friendly nations. Companies like Apple also discovered long ago
that Americans often made poor senior managers in these nations because they
objected to defrauding workers. Not a
problem – there are plenty of managers from other nations that have no such
ethical restraints. Foreign suppliers
run by Asian managers are increasingly dominant.
The endemic nature of anti-employee control fraud
also demonstrates an important technical point.
The wages reported in the most fraud-friendly nations are substantially
overstated because workers work far longer hours without receiving the
compensation to which they are entitled.
Their hourly rate is much lower than reported, which means that the wage
gap between U.S. and the most fraud-friendly nations is significantly greater
than reported. U.S. firms that have
foreign suppliers in these nations are well aware of this data bias and make
their outsourcing decisions based on the real (much larger) wage gap.
The
Harm to Employee and Consumer Health is Grave
The NYT article notes that it was bad
publicity in the U.S. that finally forced Apple to make greater disclosures
about its suppliers’ frauds.
“The calls for Apple to disclose
suppliers became particularly acute after a series of deaths and accidents in
recent years. In the last two years at firms supplying services to Apple, 137
employees were seriously injured after cleaning iPad screens with n-hexane, a
toxic chemical that can cause nerve damage and paralysis; over a dozen workers
have committed suicide or fell or jumped from buildings in a manner that
suggests a suicide attempt; and in two separate blasts caused by dust from
polishing iPad cases, four were killed and 77 injured.”
The Washington Post article noted:
“Apple found that 62 percent of the 229 facilities
it inspected were not in compliance with the company’s maximum 60-hour work
policy; 13 percent did not have adequate protections for juvenile workers; and
32 percent had problems with the management of hazardous waste.
One supplier was caught dumping wastewater at a
nearby farm. Another had a total lack of safety measures, creating “unsafe
working conditions,” the report found. Five facilities employed underage
workers.
The company in the past had refused to divulge its
full supplier list even as it became standard practice for multinational
corporations to do so after the public outcry in the 1990s over labor problems
at Nike factories in developing countries.
Apple’s change of heart follows a highly publicized
string of factory worker suicides in 2010 and deadly explosions in two Chinese
factories in 2011.”
The WSJ emphasized this chillingfinding:
“The report also found 24 facilities conducted pregnancy
tests and 56 didn't have procedures to prevent discrimination against pregnant
workers. Apple said that at its direction, the suppliers have stopped
discriminatory screenings for medical conditions or pregnancy.”
The article does not make this point explicitly, but these firms conduct these tests in order to unlawfully coerce their pregnant employees to have undesired abortions in order to obtain and keep their jobs.
Foreign
Anti-employee Control Fraud harms U.S. Workers
A final caution is in order because each of the major articles on the Apple report failed to mention it. CEOs who are willing to routinely defraud their workers and expose them to grave threats to their health are exceptionally likely to commit other forms of control fraud.
Bill Black is the author of The Best Way to Rob a Bank is to Own One and an associate professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. He spent years working on regulatory policy and fraud prevention as Executive Director of the Institute for Fraud Prevention, Litigation Director of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board and Deputy Director of the National Commission on Financial Institution Reform, Recovery and Enforcement, among other positions.
Bill writes a column for Benzinga every Monday. His other academic articles, congressional testimony, and musings about the financial crisis can be found at his Social Science Research Network author page and at the blog New Economic Perspectives.
Follow him on Twitter: @WilliamKBlack

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